Jamaat-e-Islami (Urdu: جماعتِ اسلامی, JI) was an Islamist political party and social conservative movement founded in 1941 in British India by the Islamist theologian and socio-political philosopher, Abul Ala Maududi. Along with the Muslim Brotherhood (founded in 1926), Jamaat-e-Islami was one of the original and most influential Islamist organizations, and the first of its kind to develop "an ideology based on the modern revolutionary conception of Islam".
Maududi created the party to influence the leadership of the Muslim community dominated by the Muslim League who sought a separate, independent state for Muslims (to be called Pakistan) following the withdrawal of the British from India. The Muslim League wanted to prevent domination of Muslims by the majority Hindus, but expressed no interest in an Islamic state, i.e. ruling the state according to Sharia law, the traditional injunctions of the Quran and Sunnah. These included abolition of interest-charged on loans, sexual separation and veiling of women, hadd penalties such as flogging and amputation for alcohol consumption, theft, fornication, and other crimes.
Maududi created Jamaat-e-Islami with the objective of making post-colonial India (or a separate Muslim state if the Muslim League got its wish), an Islamic state. Although this would be the result of an "Islamic revolution", the revolution was to be achieved not through a mass organizing or a popular uprising but by what he called "Islamization from above", by winning over society's leaders through education and propaganda, and through putting the right people (JI members) in positions of power. incrementally and through legal means.
Mawdudi believed politics was "an integral, inseparable part of the Islamic faith". Islamic ideology and non-Islamic ideologies (such as capitalism and socialism, liberalism or secularism) were mutually exclusive. The creation of an Islamic state would be not only be an act of piety but would be a cure for all of the many (seemingly non-religious) social and economic problems that Muslims faced. Those working for an Islamic state would not stop at India or Pakistan but would effect a sweeping revolution among mankind, and control all aspects of the world's life. It opposed such practices such as offering bank interest.
Hezbi Islami, also based in Afghanistan, broke away from Jamiat-e Islami in 1975-6. Led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, its ethnic make-up was overwhelmingly Ghilzai Pashtun. It's less moderate stance won it the backing of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan (and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan president Zia ul-Haq) during the jihad against the Soviet military.
Although Maududi believed Muslims formed a separate nation from the Hindus of India, he initially opposed the partition of India to create a "Muslim state" circumscribed to Muslim-majority regions, agitating instead for an "Islamic state" covering the whole of India—this despite the fact Muslims made up only about one quarter of India's population.
In his view Muslims were not one religious or communal group among many working to advance their social and economic interests, but a group `based upon principles and upon a theory` or ideology, like the fascist or communist parties in Italy, Germany and Russia. Just as those parties were a minority of their own country but had the "organization, discipline, and social effectiveness", to take political control, so a Salih Jamaat, (a "righteous" party or community) that had "a clearly defined ideology, allegiance to a single leader, obedience, and discipline", would be able to transform the whole of India into Dar al-Islam. Unlike the fascists and communists, once in power an Islamic state would not be not oppressive or tyrannical, but just and benevolent to all, because its ideology was based on God's commands.
In 1940, the Muslim League met in Lahore and passed the Pakistan Resolution, calling for autonomous states in the Muslim majority areas of India. Maududi believed the nationalism in any form was un-Islamic, concerned with mundane interests of people and not Islam. In response he launched his own party, Jamaat-e-Islami, founded on 26 August 1941, at Islamia Park, Lahore.(pli) Seventy-five people attended the first meeting and became the first 75 members of the movement.
Maududi saw his group as a vanguard of Islamic revolution following the footsteps of early Muslims who gathered in Medina to found the first "Islamic state". JI was and is strictly and hierarchically organized in a pyramid-like structure. All supporters work toward the common goal of establishing an ideological Islamic society, particularly though educational and social work, under the leadership of the emir. Being a vanguard party, not all supporters could be members, only the elite. Below members were/are "affiliates", and "sympathizers" beneath them. The party leader is called an ameer (commander).
Maududi sought to educate the elite of the Muslim community in the principles of Islam and correct "their erroneous ways of thinking" both because he believed societies were influenced from the top down, and because the Westernized Muslim elite of colonial India supported secular democracy while the mass of the Muslim population favoured an Islamic state.
During the years before the partition of India, JI stood aloof from the intense political fights of the time in India, concentrating on "training and organizing" and refining and strengthening the structure of JI.
^Roy, Olivier (1994). The Failure of Political Islam. Harvard University Press. p. 35. "The origins of today's Islamist thought and organizations can be traced to the Society of the Muslim Brotherhood, created by the school teacher Hasan al-Banna in Egypt in 1928, and the Jamaat-i-Islami of Pakistan, established by Abul Ala Maududi..."
^Ruthven, Malise (2000). Islam in the World (2nd ed.). Penguin. p. 330-1.|accessdate= requires |url= (help)
^Adams, Charles J. (1983). "Maududi and the Islamic State". In Esposito, John L. Voices of Resurgent Islam. Oxford University Press. p. 105. "[JI] purpose was to prepare and organized and disciplined group of sincere Muslims capable of achieving the victory of Islam in the subcontinent. Thus, were the efforts toward partition to fail, there would be a group to counter the results of the failure; and were the efforts to succeed, there would be a group to spread the knowledge of Islam in both India and Pakistan."
^Mortimer, Edward (1982). Faith and Power : the Politics of Islam. Vintage Books. p. 204. "The political doctrine which he based on this view [was] ... Islam had to be enforced, and all that was needed for that purpose was to ensure that the right people, holding the right ideas, should occupy the post of governors. ... He put implicit faith in the party which he founded.... His programme for the future of Pakistan was the expansion of the Jama'at-e Islami until it had absorbed the state and had, for all intents and purposes become the state."
^ abcdKepel, Gilles (2002). Jihad: on the Trail of Political Islam. Belknap Press. p. 34.
^Nasr, S.V.R. (1994). The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution: the Jamaat-i Islami of Pakistan. I.B.Tauris. p. 8.
^Adams, Charles J (1983). "Mawdudi and the Islamic State". In Esposito, John. Voices of Resurgent Islam. Oxford University Press. p. 105. "...In a speech delivered to the Jamaat-i-Islami in Lahore in December of 1944, Mawdudi ... the cure for [the world's evils] is to organize a group dedicated to righteousness. ... [and made] a ringing declaration that such a group, once formed, would be able to control all aspects of the world's life and to effect a sweeping revolution among mankind."
^Mortimer, Edward (1982). Faith and Power : the Politics of Islam. Vintage Books. p. 204. "The political doctrine which he based on this view [was] ... Islam had to be enforced, and all that was needed for that purpose was to ensure that the right people, holding the right ideas, should occupy the post of governors. ... He put implicit faith in the party which he had founded, the Jama'at-i-Islami, as a tool for achieving the Islamic revolution that would put such people into power; and he cited the Fascists in Italy and Germany, and the Communists in Russia, as examples of groups which though tiny minorities in a total population, were able to exercise effective control. His programme for the future of Pakistan was the expansion of the Jama'at-e-Islami until it had absorbed the state and had, to all intents and purposes, become the state. Such a totalitarian approach might justifiably cause alarm in the case of communism or fascism, but in the service of Islam, he thought, it need alarm no one, since God's commands working in the life of the state would be just and benevolent to all."
^Charles J. Adams (1966), "The Ideology of Mawlana Maududi" in D.E. Smith (ed.) South Asian Politics and Religion (Princeton) pp.375, 381-90.
^Adams, Charles J (1983). "Mawdudi and the Islamic State". In Esposito, John. Voices of Resurgent Islam. Oxford University Press. pp. 104–5. "...the Muslim League passed its now famous Lahore Resolution which called for the establishment of autonomous states in the Muslim majority areas of the subcontinent. ... using the same argument Mawdudi had employed, that the Muslims of India were a distinct nation ... [Mawdudi disapproved] substituted Muslim nationalism for Indian nationalism and nationalism in whatever form was bad. Both were fundamentally secularist conceptions of the Muslim destiny, and both were concerned with the mundane interests of people, not their ultimate orientation."
^Adams, Charles J. (1983). "Maududi and the Islamic State". In Esposito, John L. Voices of Resurgent Islam. Oxford University Press. p. 102. "He believed that practical social change was impossible unless the theoretical views held by the leadership changed first. ... The task then was one of education in the principles of Islam, of religious nurture, and of correction of the erroneous ways of thinking into which the Muslim upper classes had been seduced the agents of jahiliyyah."
^Adams, Charles J (1983). "Mawdudi and the Islamic State". In Esposito, John L. Voices of Resurgent Islam. Oxford University Press. pp. 106–7. "...popular sentiment was strongly in favor of an Islamic state .... Maududi and Jamaat-i Islami were not alone in agitating for the Islamic state. They were joined by a variety of other bodies and individuals, ... and had behind them the sympathies of the mass of the population."