It is considered that the populist left does not exclude others horizontally and relies on egalitarian ideals. Some scholars point out nationalist left-wing populist movements as well, a feature exhibited by Kemalism in Turkey for instance. For left-wing populist parties supportive of minority rights among others, the term "inclusionary populism" has been used.
The Party of Democratic Socialism was explicitly studied under left-wing populism, especially by German academics. The party was formed after the reunification of Germany and it was similar to right-wing populists in that it relied on anti-elitism and media attention provided by a charismatic leadership. The party competed for the same voter base with the right-wing populists to some extent, although it relied on a more serious platform in Eastern Germany. This was limited by anti-immigration sentiments preferred by some voters, although the lines were for example crossed by Oskar Lafontaine, who used a term previously associated with the Nazi Party, Fremdarbeiter ("alien workers"), in his election campaign in 2005. The PDS merged into the Left Party in 2007 and new populist elements are likely to find a more hospitable habitat on the left than on the right in Germany.
Syriza, which became the largest party since January 2015 elections, has been described as a left-wing populist party after their platform incorporated most demands of the popular movements in Greece during the government-debt crisis. Populist traits in Syriza's platform include growing importance of "the People" in their rhetoric and "us/the people against them/the establishment" antagonism in campaigning. On immigration and LGBT rights, Syriza is inclusionary. Syriza itself does not accept the label "populist".
The Socialist Party has run a left-wing populist platform after dropping its communist course in 1991. Although some have pointed out that the party has become less populist over the years, it still includes anti-elitism in its recent election manifestos. It opposes what it sees as the European superstate.
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (the President of Argentina from 2007 to 2015) and her husband Néstor Kirchner were said to practice Kirchnerism, a variant of Peronism that was often mentioned alongside other early 21st century Latin American left-wing populist movements in Boliva and Venezuela. During Cristina Fernández de Kirchner time in office, she often engaged in criticism of the United States, gave speeches with anti-globalization overtones and sought to form economic alliances with non-Western countries such as China and Russia, with some degree of success. She has also repeatedly spoken against capitalism in general. Her administration was characterized by marked tax increases, especially on agricultural produce, Argentina's main export. In 2009, she instated the universal allocation per child subsidy (commonly referred to as AUH in Argentina, Asignación Universal por Hijo), a means-tested benefit to families with children who qualified for the program (despite its name, the AUH is not a universal subsidy).
The presidency of Hugo Chávez resembled a combination of folk wisdom and charismatic leadership with doctrinaire socialism. Chávez's government was also described to have been a "throwback" to populist nationalism and redistributivism.
Weyland, Kurt (2013). "The Threat from the Populist Left". Journal of Democracy. 24 (3): 18–32. doi:10.1353/jod.2013.0045.
March, Luke (2007). "From Vanguard of the Proletariat to Vox Populi: Left-Populism as a 'Shadow' of Contemporary Socialism". SAIS Review of International Affairs. 27 (1): 63–77. doi:10.1353/sais.2007.0013.
^Mudde, C. Antonio; Rovira Kaltwasser, C. (2013). "Exclusionary vs. inclusionary populism: comparing contemporary Europe and Latin America". Government and Opposition. 48 (2): 147–174.|access-date= requires |url= (help)
^Suiter, Jane (2017). "Ireland: The rise of Populism on the Left and Among Independents". In Toril Aalberg; Frank Esser; Carsten Reinemann; Jesper Strömbäck; Claes H. de Vreese. Populist Political Communication in Europe. New York and London: Routledge. p. 131. ISBN978-1-138-65480-8.
^Drinkwater, Michael (1991). The State and Agrarian Change in Zimbabwe's Communal Areas. Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 93–96. ISBN978-0312053505.
^Cite error: The named reference ideology was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
^Fred Reinhard Dallmayr (199). Border Crossings: Toward a Comparative Political Theory. Lexington Books. p. 136. ISBN9780739100431. To provide an Islamic justification for their populist program, Mojahedin often utilized the euphemism coined by Shariati.
None of the audio/visual content is hosted on this site. All media is embedded from other sites such as GoogleVideo, Wikipedia, YouTube etc. Therefore, this site has no control over the copyright issues of the streaming media.
All issues concerning copyright violations should be aimed at the sites hosting the material. This site does not host any of the streaming media and the owner has not uploaded any of the material to the video hosting servers. Anyone can find the same content on Google Video or YouTube by themselves.
The owner of this site cannot know which documentaries are in public domain, which has been uploaded to e.g. YouTube by the owner and which has been uploaded without permission. The copyright owner must contact the source if he wants his material off the Internet completely.